How Do Overseas Chinese in North Korea Make a Living? Today, let’s delve into the lives of the Chinese immigrants in North Korea, from the first generation to the fourth. Overall, despite the difficulties they have faced, the Chinese community has managed to live sustainably and holds a deep affection for North Korea.

The Untold Story of Chinese Expatriates in North Korea

How Do Overseas Chinese in North Korea Make a Living

  • How do overseas Chinese in North Korea make a living?
  • Do they have unique sources of income?

The current status of the overseas Chinese community in North Korea

Hey everyone, today I’ll be talking about something a bit lighter. I’ll go over the work and income of Korean-Chinese in North Korea across different periods, and share some things that most people don’t know and can’t look up. I’ll also talk about my personal feelings towards North Korea. I personally distinguish between the first, second, third, and fourth generations of Korean-Chinese. Currently, those who remain in North Korea are mostly from the third and fourth generations, with only a very small number from the fifth generation.

The first generation of Chinese immigrants, who arrived when North and South Korea were still one country, mostly ran their own small businesses, such as Chinese restaurants, trading goods, or farming. Due to the underdeveloped agricultural technology on the Korean Peninsula at the time, many Shandong farmers managed to build wealth through farming and settled in Korea. These first-generation immigrants always planned to return to their hometowns in Shandong once they had made enough money, converting their earnings into gold bars or asking someone to buy houses and land for them back in Shandong.

However, during the anti-Chinese incidents in 1931, hundreds of Chinese immigrants were killed on the peninsula, and many first-generation immigrants’ homes were looted and destroyed. Their properties and lands in Shandong were also lost after the liberation, leaving them no choice but to continue making a living on the peninsula until North and South Korea were divided.

As far as I know, in the years following Korea’s independence, most Chinese immigrant families were left with no savings after the years of war, and only a few families had managed to keep a few small gold bars or gold rings, which they dared not reveal. After the war subsided, some Chinese immigrants chose to return to China, while the second-generation immigrants who stayed behind began working after graduating from Chinese schools, receiving the same pay as Koreans. Thanks to the Shandong tradition of thriftiness, most Chinese immigrant families lived more comfortably than the local Koreans.

Survival and Legacy: The Journey of the First Generation of Chinese Immigrants on the Korean Peninsula

The first generation of Chinese immigrants, who arrived when North and South Korea were still one country, mostly ran their own small businesses, such as Chinese restaurants, trading goods, or farming. Due to the underdeveloped agricultural technology on the Korean Peninsula at the time, many Shandong farmers managed to build wealth through farming and settled in Korea. These first-generation immigrants always planned to return to their hometowns in Shandong once they had made enough money, converting their earnings into gold bars or asking someone to buy houses and land for them back in Shandong. However, during the anti-Chinese incidents in 1931, hundreds of Chinese immigrants were killed on the peninsula, and many first-generation immigrants’ homes were looted and destroyed. Their properties and lands in Shandong were also lost after the liberation, leaving them no choice but to continue making a living on the peninsula until North and South Korea were divided. As far as I know, in the years following Korea’s independence, most Chinese immigrant families were left with no savings after the years of war, and only a few families had managed to keep a few small gold bars or gold rings, which they dared not reveal. After the war subsided, some Chinese immigrants chose to return to China, while the second-generation immigrants who stayed behind began working after graduating from Chinese schools, receiving the same pay as Koreans. Thanks to the Shandong tradition of thriftiness, most Chinese immigrant families lived more comfortably than the local Koreans.

Generational Shifts and Cultural Identity Among North Korean Overseas Chinese

The lives of overseas Chinese families were generally more comfortable than those of local Koreans. The second generation, following the tradition of “the more children, the more blessings,” often had large families, typically having three or more children, with many having around five, and some even more than eight. Due to their large families, even though North Korea was seen as prosperous for a time, the overseas Chinese still went through a period of hardship. Later, with some policy relaxations, overseas Chinese families resumed small businesses, and some of the second generation returned to China with their children. From the late 1990s to the present, it has largely been the time of the third generation of overseas Chinese in North Korea, including my parents’ generation. Due to strong academic performance, many third-generation overseas Chinese returned to China for education and settled there. Therefore, the Chinese language proficiency among those who remained in North Korea is generally limited, which has become a major point of contention for those questioning my identity. In reality, this is because they are unfamiliar with us, the fourth-generation overseas Chinese who returned to China for university. Firstly, our numbers are indeed very small, with fewer than 20 Korean overseas Chinese currently studying at Jinan University and Huaqiao University. Secondly, we do not openly identify as Korean overseas Chinese when we are abroad. Many fourth-generation Korean overseas Chinese have messaged me privately, and since our numbers are few, overseas Chinese from different regions often share mutual friends.

Resilience and Enterprise: The Trade Practices of Third-Generation Overseas Chinese in North Korea

So, here’s the thing: there are hundreds of fourth-generation overseas Chinese who have returned and dozens like me who still hold permanent residency in North Korea, yet not a single one has come forward to debunk anything. Instead, they all yearn for their spiritual homeland, even though they’ve never set foot there. If my information is wrong, these overseas Chinese would be the first to refute it. But let’s get back on track. The third-generation overseas Chinese who stayed in North Korea went through the end of the rationing system and the arduous march, with every family turning to business and trade. Back when the embargo list wasn’t as long as it is now, there was nothing they didn’t sell, from small items like needles to larger machinery. In the early 2000s, when wages in China were generally below 1000 yuan, many overseas Chinese families were already earning over 5000 yuan a month. The hardworking and business-savvy people from Shandong thrived in this semi-monopolistic environment, living at least a comfortable life, if not becoming extremely wealthy. Some overseas Chinese also operated in reverse, smuggling goods like seafood, traditional Chinese medicine, toad oil, and ox gall pills from North Korea to China. Most overseas Chinese in China are general merchants, selling a bit of everything. Some specialize in specific categories, like food or equipment for squid fishing and ship supplies, but our family generally doesn’t deal in food. The shelf life is short, and food items are easily taken by anyone handling the cargo along the way.

In a semi-monopolized market, business can be quite profitable. In earlier years, some overseas Chinese could clear four or five containers a month. Some partnered with local trading companies in North Korea, accumulating tens of millions in wealth. To quickly assemble goods, some families had one member purchase goods in China and ship them to North Korea, while the other managed sales locally. Others focused on small-batch, high-profit products.

As North Korea’s list of banned imports grew, some overseas Chinese turned to smuggling. Interestingly, while this was considered smuggling on the Chinese side, North Korean customs officers were present on site to inspect the goods, fearing that prohibited items might slip through—essentially turning it into a form of “legitimate” smuggling. The same route was used for seafood entering China from North Korea, which was recently claimed to be “from Russia,” with China opting to turn a blind eye. So, even if smuggling was involved, it was still considered a legitimate business.

However, some overseas Chinese in border areas earned additional “gray” income, but I won’t go into details about those who make a living this way.

There’s a rumor online that Chinese immigrants in North Korea are involved in high-interest lending. The truth is, hardly any immigrants engage in that, as they wouldn’t have the means to collect debts or take legal action, and ultimately, no one would support them. There might be a few isolated cases, but it’s definitely not a common practice. Most fourth-generation immigrants have already returned to China or are in the process of doing so.

Now, let me talk about myself. I still hold permanent residency in North Korea, without any special conditions. North Korea’s permanent residency rules require at least one visit per year; otherwise, it’s considered automatically forfeited. So, unless I mention otherwise, what I describe reflects the current situation in North Korea.

In summary, as overseas Chinese in North Korea, our lives here are actually quite decent—aside from not fully integrating into local society, our material needs are well met, so I don’t feel any need to badmouth this place. Besides, if I were to disparage other overseas Chinese, I wouldn’t be allowed to get away with it, and using my identity to help them promote their efforts has brought me immeasurable benefits. I’m not desperate enough to take on such risks or hide my identity just to earn a small amount of money.

Generations of my family have lived and grown up here, so to say I have no feelings for this place would be false. In recent years, I often dream about my hometown, and I’ve never felt even a trace of hatred toward ordinary people here. I hope you can understand what I’m saying. We’re all just regular people; I don’t claim to know things beyond my understanding, nor am I trying to defend or promote anything. I simply want to hold on to a basic sense of empathy and document my genuine experiences in North Korea.